Kai Arzheimer

Kai Arzheimer

@kai-arzheimer.com

Politics Prof @powimz.bsky.social | parties, elections, attitudes, behaviour | right-wing extremism/populism/radicalism https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/

8.4K followers4.1K following6K posts

Kai Arzheimer reposted

Luis Ramiro
@ljramiro.bsky.social

This is a historic, highly significant, and particularly revealing development. The conservative PP has reached an electoral agreement with the far-right VOX concerning elections to the Senate, the upper chamber, as part of next month’s Spanish general elections. efe.com/espana/2026-...

efe.comPP y Vox cierran un acuerdo para el Senado mientras las izquierdas ultiman sus listas - EFEEl PP y Vox anuncian un acuerdo de "entendimiento" para las listas al Senado por el cual los populares no concurren en tres provincias
Kai Arzheimer
@kai-arzheimer.com

So should we blame the frame?

RRResRobot@rrresrobot.bsky.social

populism and the #RadicalRight M. Hameleers, L. Bos, and C. de Vreese. “Framing Blame: Toward a Better Understanding of the Effects of Populist Communication on Populist Party Preferences”. In: Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 28.3 (2018), pp. 380-398.

Kai Arzheimer reposted

Graham Macklin
@grahammacklin.bsky.social

Leaked emails show AfD co-leader’s U-turn on ‘explosive’ nationalist colleague. Alice Weidel once said Björn Höcke’s racial discourse was “deeply problematic.” Now she deems him suitable for a cabinet position.

politico.euLeaked emails show AfD co-leader’s U-turn on ‘explosive’ nationalist colleagueAlice Weidel once said Björn Höcke’s racial discourse was “deeply problematic.” Now she deems him suitable for a cabinet position.
Kai Arzheimer
@kai-arzheimer.com

If you are interested in Italian (far-right) politics & you're not following Daniele, you're doing it wrong 👇

Professor Daniele Albertazzi@dralbertazziuk.bsky.social

The Lega’s Extraordinary Congress ends today in Milan. Slogan: “Di lotta e di governo”, the old idea of a party that both stirs the streets and holds power. Yet the days of keeping "one foot in and one foot out of govt" are long gone. Meloni has kept Salvini on a tight leash in the last 4 years.

Kai Arzheimer
@kai-arzheimer.com

Die Extreme Rechte und die Hochschulen: Wichtiger Wissenschaftspodcast der Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung RLP #podcast #heinrichböllstiftung

podcast.deDie extreme Rechte an Hochschulen: Einfluss und Gegenstrategien (mit Christoph Haker und Lukas Otterspeer) ~ Auf der Rechten Spur PodcastHochschulen sind keine rechtsextremismusfreien Räume. Diese Folge untersucht, wie die extreme Rechte wissenschaftliche Autorität für sich nutzt, Forschung angreift und über Bildungspolitik Einfluss gewinnen kann. Von historischen Verflechtungen bis zu heu...
Kai Arzheimer
@kai-arzheimer.com

For some reason, Bluesky mangled the mentions, which is a convenient excuse to @ my co-editors, @anamariab99.bsky.social , @mariopeucker.bsky.social & @mattiazulianello.bsky.social , and send you towards our call once more 👇

Kai Arzheimer@kai-arzheimer.com

Do you study the #farright & its role in the transformation of liberal democracies? Are you searching for a good home for your manuscript? Look no further: @anamariab99.bsky.social, @mariopeucker.bsky.social, @mattiazulianello.bsky.social & I are putting together a collection for Springer's HSSC

nature.comFar-right mobilisation and democratic transformationThis Humanities and Social Sciences Communications Collection examines the contemporary dynamics of far-right mobilisation and its implications for democracy. ...
Kai Arzheimer
@kai-arzheimer.com

Excellent piece by @veghzsuzsanna.bsky.social about ties between #AfD & #MAGA and their implications...

Nicolas Bouchet@nickbouchet.bsky.social

"For the AfD, the political rewards are tangible. Recognition from senior U.S. officials and MAGA figures offers international visibility and a claim to legitimacy that the political mainstream still contests domestically." Very good read by @veghzsuzsanna.bsky.social

americangerman.instituteThe Transatlantic SituationshipHow MAGA-AfD Ties Are Reshaping American-German Relations In September 2026, U.S. President Donald Trump publicly celebrated the radical-right Alternative for Germany’s (AfD) electoral victory in the ...

Kai Arzheimer reposted

PoWiMZ
@powimz.bsky.social

Klar: Unsere #Forschungswerkstatt gibt es auch im Wintersemester! Auf der Gästeliste stehen wieder interessante Personen aus dem In- und Ausland mit spannenden Themen, die uns bewegen. Nächste Woche gehts schon los - weitere Infos folgen.

Kai Arzheimer reposted

PoWiMZ
@powimz.bsky.social

Jetzt gleich in P10: Projekttag im Master Politik- und Demokratieforschung 👏👏👏

Kai Arzheimer reposted

Kai Arzheimer
@kai-arzheimer.com

NB: the #AfD state party in Saxony-Anhalt is not just #farright: it has been classified as a right-wing extremist organisation since 2023. What could possibly go wrong?

dw.comGermany news: Far-right AfD gets first house speaker in a German state parliamentFor the first time since World War II, a far-right party has a house speaker in a German state parliament. And Germany's foreign minister has warned that the climate crisis could fuel extremism. DW has more.
Kai Arzheimer
@kai-arzheimer.com

Do you study the #farright & its role in the transformation of liberal democracies? Are you searching for a good home for your manuscript? Look no further: @anamariab99.bsky.social, @mariopeucker.bsky.social, @mattiazulianello.bsky.social & I are putting together a collection for Springer's HSSC

nature.comFar-right mobilisation and democratic transformationThis Humanities and Social Sciences Communications Collection examines the contemporary dynamics of far-right mobilisation and its implications for democracy. ...

Kai Arzheimer reposted

RRResRobot
@rrresrobot.bsky.social

E. Anduiza and G. Rico. “Sexism and the Far-Right Vote: The Individual Dynamics of Gender Backlash”. In: American Journal of Political Science 68.2 (2024), pp. 478-493. dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12759.

Kai Arzheimer
@kai-arzheimer.com

What's in a phrase? In this specific case: a reflection of the complex relationships between elites, institutions, and the governed

lemonde.frHow the phrase 'police violence' became taboo for the French governmentDuring the French Third Republic, the 'brutality' of law enforcement was regularly denounced without political leaders taking offense at the terms used or what they implied. Since then, it has become a 'forbidden word,' according to historian Arnaud-Dominique Houte.

Kai Arzheimer reposted

PoWiMZ
@powimz.bsky.social

Du möchtest ins #Ausland und bist neugierig auf das #Erasmus-Programm? Komm zu unserem Info-Talk am Mi., 04. November, um 18:00 Uhr (Raum P104, Philosophicum)! Erfahre alles über Bewerbungsprozess, Partneruniversitäten und die finanzielle Unterstützung. Dazu gibt es Erfahrungsberichte von Studis, di

Kai Arzheimer
@kai-arzheimer.com

Very cool paper klaxon 🚨

RRResRobot@rrresrobot.bsky.social

the effect of immigration: D. Hangartner, E. Dinas, M. Marbach, et al. “Does Exposure to the Refugee Crisis Make Natives More Hostile?” In: American Political Science Review 113.2 (2019), pp. 442-455. dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055418000813.

Kai Arzheimer
@kai-arzheimer.com

Yep: 'Elections can remove parties from power. They do not automatically remove the political world those parties helped to build.'

theloop.ecpr.eu🌊 Far-right setbacks do not reverse illiberal changeestimated reading time: 4 minSweden's recent election defeated the right-wing Tidö bloc and blocked the populist Sweden Democrats' route into government. Yet the restrictive political settlement they helped construct may endure. Vera Tika argues that far-right normalisation is not automatically reversed by electoral defeat: once institutionalised, illiberal change can acquire a political life of its ownSweden's election interrupted Europe's wider rightward movement. The final count gave the opposition parties 176 seats, against 173 for the right-wing Tidö bloc. The Sweden Democrats fell to 17.5% and 62 seats, dropping from second to third place. Their anticipated transition from external support to cabinet participation was therefore blocked. But the election did not return Sweden to the political landscape that preceded their rise.Since 2022, the Sweden Democrats have supported Ulf Kristersson's minority government through the Tidö Agreement. From outside the cabinet, they helped move migration, citizenship, policing and criminal justice towards a more restrictive settlement. Kristersson has resigned, but forming a new government will require negotiations among opposition parties with substantial policy differences. The Social Democrats have also adapted to demands for tighter migration controls. Electoral defeat has weakened the Sweden Democrats' parliamentary leverage, but it has not removed the political assumptions they helped normalise.Political scientists distinguish the populist radical right from the extreme right. The former combines nativism – the belief that the state belongs to a culturally homogeneous native group – with authoritarianism and, often, populism. It challenges liberal pluralism but ordinarily competes through elections. Its power therefore cannot be measured only through votes, seats or ministerial office.Mainstreaming and normalisation describe different stages of that power. Mainstreaming concerns what established parties and media do: adopt positions, repeat frames, cooperate or treat former pariahs as legitimate competitors. Normalisation is the outcome; a shifted threshold of acceptability. Institutionalisation follows when these ideas shape legislation, administrative routines and policy instruments. Far-right parties exercise issue ownership: they make migration, security and identity the terrain on which others feel compelled to compete Far-right parties also exercise issue ownership: they make migration, security and identity the terrain on which others feel compelled to compete. Accommodation can therefore strengthen rather than displace them. Once mainstream actors preserve the same problem definitions, influence survives electoral defeat. Sweden reveals this political sedimentation: the party loses ground, while the policy settlement remains.Italy demonstrates the same process from inside government. Its radical-right Prime Minister, Giorgia Meloni, has cultivated an image of institutional reliability. Her government has remained anchored in NATO and EU fiscal constraints, while continuing to support Ukraine. These choices are often presented as evidence that responsibility moderates the radical right. Meloni's goverment may remain anchored in NATO and EU fiscal constraints, yet it has proposed banning face veils in schools and limiting the number of foreign pupils per classroom Yet moderation is not a single movement affecting every policy field equally. International pragmatism can coexist with illiberal change at home. In September, Meloni proposed banning face veils in schools and limiting foreign pupils per classroom. The European Commission's 2026 Rule of Law Report also records concerns involving media pluralism, institutional checks and civic space in Italy.Meloni's trajectory is better understood as differentiated normalisation. Radical-right actors may moderate where credibility with markets, allies or EU institutions is indispensable. At the same time, they can retain exclusionary conceptions of membership and expand executive discretion at home. Respectability in one domain can make transformation in another less visible.Germany illustrates both the reach and the limits of electoral containment. The Federal Republic's postwar order combined militant-democratic safeguards with a party-system norm excluding the far right. The Brandmauer is today's cordon sanitaire: it denies the far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) coalition partners. Yet after winning almost 44% in Saxony-Anhalt, AfD came first in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania with 38.3%, while the Christian Democratic Union fell below the 5% threshold for the first time in a state election. Together, these results mark a rupture in postwar containment: the AfD is now the largest party in several Länder even while excluded from office. Berlin qualifies, but does not reverse, this pattern. Die Linke won by centring housing, while AfD achieved its best result in the capital, with 16.3%. The firewall still blocks office. But it no longer contains electoral growth, issue ownership or pressure on mainstream competitors. In France, Rassemblement National's long strategy of normalisation has made it appear increasingly plausible as a governing party France faces a related process ahead of its 2027 presidential election. Rassemblement National's long strategy of normalisation has made it appear increasingly plausible as a governing party. This affects competitors before it wins executive power. Policies and rhetoric are adjusted in anticipation of its strength, narrowing the distance between exclusion from office and influence over the political field.These cases represent different configurations: external support in Sweden, direct government in Italy, electoral containment in Germany and anticipatory accommodation in France. What connects them is that far-right influence travels beyond the organisational boundaries of far-right parties.Sweden's election remains significant. It ended the Tidö bloc's mandate, prevented the Sweden Democrats from converting policy influence into ministerial authority, and showed that far-right advance is not inevitable. Yet a change of government is not the same as a reversal of the policy and administrative changes made since 2022.Democratic resilience must therefore be assessed at two levels. The first is whether radical-right parties gain office. The second is whether their definitions of belonging, threat and legitimate exclusion continue to organise public policy after they lose. Elections can remove parties from power. They do not automatically remove the political world those parties helped to build.No.50 in a thread on the 'illiberal wave' 🌊 sweeping world politics This article presents the views of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the ECPR or the Editors of The Loop.
Kai Arzheimer
@kai-arzheimer.com

Mixing religion & (usually right-wing) politics is serious business, but this specific instance is almost (almost) funny. Next up: testosterone-infused communion wafers

salon.comHegseth puts on the "full armor of God" and sets up a sacred "direct line"estimated reading time: 2 min Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth is putting religion closer to the top of the Pentagon’s chain of command. Hegseth announced the creation of a new Office of Religious Affairs during his State of the Force address Wednesday. The office will report directly to Hegseth and advise Pentagon leadership on religious policy, funding and the “spiritual readiness” of U.S. service members. “No staff filters, no bureaucratic dilution — a direct line to the secretary,” Hegseth said. [embedded content] The office will also oversee the Armed Forces Chaplains Board and advocate for funding for religious programs across the military. The Pentagon memo establishing the office says it cannot “compel religious participation” or diminish the rights of service members, civilian employees or family members “of any faith or no faith.” But Hegseth introduced the ostensibly inclusive office using explicitly Christian language once again. “Our department is, you might say, putting on the full armor of God because while we wage physical war, we all know the real battle is spiritual,” Hegseth said. “God is good. Evil is not. And America’s military must understand the difference.” Hegseth also criticized what he called the military’s previous embrace of “political correctness and secular humanism” and claimed fewer than 5% of service members identify as nonreligious. “So 95% of our force recognizes an Almighty God,” he said. The Pentagon’s most recent publicly released data, from 2019, found roughly 70% of active-duty personnel identified as Christian. Nearly a quarter had an unknown or unclassified religious affiliation. The office follows a series of changes Hegseth has made to religious life in the military. The Pentagon this year condensed more than 200 religious affiliation codes to 31, initially eliminating specific classifications for atheists, Unitarian Universalists, pagans and Wiccans, among others. Hegseth has also hosted Christian worship services at the Pentagon. During one service in March, he prayed for God to enable U.S. troops to inflict violence “against those who deserve no mercy.” Start your day with essential news from Salon. Sign up for our free morning newsletter, Crash Course. Religious liberty groups have challenged those services in court, arguing that Hegseth is using his government office to promote Christianity. Hegseth says the new office instead ensures religious freedom throughout the military. “We’re placing spiritual health at the same level as physical health,” he said. Read more about religion in the Pentagon Why Pete Hegseth talks like he’s in an action movie Pete Hegseth’s Mormon diss explodes a MAGA myth Trump’s misguided “Christian” war is anything but