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I thought this might be an exaggeration, but no! Despite all the talk of technology neutrality, it appears the permitting reform proposal would weaponize claims for federal damages — but in practice, only for fossil fuels.

Erik Schlenker-Goodrich@riogranderift.bsky.social

Insightful legal analysis of a highly problematic component of the Senate permitting deal (Sec. 1402) highly touted by bill proponents as a solution to Trump's War on Renewables but is in fact a major gift to all developers—in particular fossil fuels—that will hobble a future POTUS' climate action.

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Renewables won't benefit from this anytime soon if ever, thanks to the 5-year historical baseline period. Under Trump, all fossil fuel projects are approved and most renewables are delayed (or worse). Four years of that and any rejection or delay of fossil permits will look like "disparate impact"!

Meanwhile, because the baseline for renewables is mostly delay or rejection under Trump, it's not clear there's a plausible path to remedies for renewables that get delayed under a future administration. (Not advocating otherwise; this is bad policy. Just noting the asymmetry.)

Are you suggesting that wind projects currently being mass-delayed by the feds might have access to remedies under Section 1402? Not trying to put words in your mouth, just seeking clarification. Again, I don't think "parity" is good outcome here. This is bad policy.

I don’t think this is the correct reading of that section, fwiw. The focus on the baseline is off. It downplays or misses entirely that the raw statistics don't make a claim alone. Showing "pattern of disparate treatment" requires **intent** as evidenced by administration statements, EOs, etc.

Appreciate you weighing in and hi! I'm glad you raised this issue, as it's important to clarify the difference between the policy standard (an intentional action is required) from the legal mechanics (where statistics are "prima facie" evidence of government intention).

The key term "pattern of disparate treatment" is defined in section 1402(b)(3), which requires all three subparagraphs (A), (B), and (C). As you suggest, subparagraph (C) requires a kind of intent.

When it comes to litigation, one can establish a prima facie case by pointing to a statistical pattern in relation to the 5-year baseline of permitting data. I'll walk through the steps below.

It is that very prong re: **intent** that's the problem. The calculation is secondary in import except to degree it reveals a wild level of legislative micromanagement of agency capacity & gives developers litigation position to force the judiciary to manage agencies for developer's benefit.

Erik Schlenker-Goodrich@riogranderift.bsky.social

This component of Section 1402 in the permitting deal detailing what comprises a "pattern of disparate treatment" worries me. I.e., If a new POTUS in 2029 makes a commitment to decarbonization is that prima facie evidence of an "intentional course of action" that shows "disparate treatment"?

And we are very well aware that Senate staffers negotiating this bill left myriad provisions vague with the intent to kick the can to the courts to resolve. This undercuts the purported design of this bill to provide clarity, predicability, and certainty for infrastructure development.

Help me understand this. The "intentional course of action" provision is supposed to deter any president/agency from tilting decisions for or against fossil fuel or clean energy sources, correct? Are you saying that is not the intent, or that it is ineffective?

I wouldn't expect to see something like this in legislation that is developed by Dems while they are in control of both houses of Congress, so the concern might be moot then. If this passes now, could it get fixed in 2027? Who knows; if the filibuster applies, I don't see an easy path to 60 votes.